When it comes to public service and big money deals, most stories stay hidden until someone shines a light on them. Suspended CEO of the Independent Development Trust, Tebogo Malaka, now faces fresh claims of wrongdoing that tie her to questionable payments and a major contract. These claims center on her efforts to keep certain details out of the public eye, including an attempt to offer a large sum of money, a whooping R60,000 bribe, to a journalist to stop a report from coming out. In today's strange story, we will now present to you the full details that Malaka apparently wanted to bury, revealed through hidden camera footage and months of digging into financial records and personal connections. It all points to a web of favors, unfinished homes, and workers left without their pay, raising serious questions about how public funds meant for the needy ended up supporting private luxuries. A big special THANK YOU to the Daily Maverick team, and their award-winning investigative journalist, Pieter-Louis Myburgh, for exposing this corruption scandal.
The story begins with a meeting that exposed Malaka's desperation to control the narrative. Just days after her suspension from the IDT, a state entity tasked with development projects, she met with a Daily Maverick journalist who had been investigating her dealings. During this encounter, captured on video, Malaka offered a stack of cash amounting to sixty thousand rand to ensure the story stayed unpublished. She also mentioned the possibility of bringing in contractors for IDT tenders as another incentive. This bold move came right after reports surfaced about tender issues in an eight hundred million rand oxygen plant program for hospitals, which had already led to her suspension. The video, released by The Daily Maverick, showed Malaka's push to silence the probe into her property dealings and business ties, highlighting how far she seemed willing to go to protect her image.
At the heart of these new allegations is Malaka's connection to Collen Mashawana, a well-known businessman from Gauteng who runs the Afribiz group and the Collen Mashawana Foundation. This foundation, based in JOHANNESBURG, focuses on helping the poor by building homes and providing food. Mashawana, often called a philanthropist and entrepreneur, shares updates about his charity work with over a million followers on social media. His brother, Austin Mashawana, helps manage the foundation. However, recent findings suggest their involvement with the IDT went beyond charity, linking directly to payments for Malaka's new luxury home while workers under their program suffered.
Malaka's property in question sits in the upscale Waterfall Country Estate in Gauteng. Her family trust bought the land rights for three point six million rand in July 2023, paying in full without any loan. For months, the plot stayed empty, but things changed around the time Mashawana's foundation landed a massive contract from the IDT. This contract, worth about sixty million rand over two years, involved running employment programs under the Expanded Public Works Programme, or EPWP. The foundation had no prior experience handling such a large-scale effort, yet it received the biggest share of the funds, far more than other non-profits.
The timeline of events paints a clear picture of suspicious overlaps. In late July 2024, just as the IDT was reviewing bids for EPWP contracts, Mashawana made his first payment toward Malaka's property. Through one of his companies, Luande Mukhethwa Properties, he transferred around one hundred thousand rand to the engineer working on the house. This happened days after documents for the foundation's bid passed through IDT committees. Less than three weeks later, on August 14, 2024, the IDT approved the contracts, giving Mashawana's foundation the largest allocation—nearly thirty million rand for the first year alone. The foundation was set to employ almost one thousand eight hundred people across five provinces: Gauteng, North West, Limpopo, KwaZulu-Natal, and the Free State.
These employment schemes aimed to help unemployed South Africans by having them clean public spaces, maintain roads, or assist at schools and clinics. Participants were supposed to earn about one thousand seven hundred rand per month for their efforts. In Limpopo, focused around Thohoyandou and nearby areas, the foundation took on seven hundred participants with funding of twelve point nine million rand. In the Free State, mainly in Welkom and Bothaville, it handled four hundred ninety-four people with seven point two million rand. North West's program, in Tsidilamolomo and surrounding villages, covered three hundred participants for four point four million rand. KwaZulu-Natal, including Durban, got two hundred spots with two point nine million rand. Gauteng's efforts in Rama City and Atteridgeville involved one hundred four participants for one point five million rand.
Despite the funds flowing in, many workers reported not getting their full pay. Some months, they received nothing at all, even after long days of hard labor. In Limpopo, complaints started as early as December 2024, with workers sharing frustrations in group chats about missing salaries. By February 2025, more messages poured in, highlighting ongoing non-payments. Workers in the Free State faced similar issues, with groups in Kgotsong township near Bothaville struggling the most. They began work in August 2024, picking up litter or helping at clinics, but payments were inconsistent from the start. For their first partial month, they expected about one thousand three hundred rand, but many got far less or nothing.
Financial records show the IDT transferred at least twenty-three million rand to the foundation, much of it earmarked for these workers' salaries. Yet, investigations revealed that hundreds of participants went unpaid, leading to hardships like not being able to buy food. While this unfolded, construction on Malaka's Waterfall home progressed steadily. Satellite images from January 2025 show bricks delivered to the site, and by March, significant building was visible. A drone shot in late May 2025 captured even more advancement, with structures taking shape.
Mashawana's role extended beyond just payments; he acted like a project manager for Malaka's house. Evidence from messages and records indicates he selected the main contractor, Two Putswa Maeba Construction and Projects, and coordinated meetings with architects, engineers, and others. He even arranged deliveries, such as cement in late January 2025. All contractors signed agreements not to discuss the project, which added to the secrecy. One key figure, Thirusha Moonsamy, linked to Mashawana's Afribiz Invest, was involved but cited privacy laws when asked for details.
The overlaps between IDT payments to the foundation and expenses at Malaka's site are striking. For example, in September 2024, the IDT sent three point three million rand to the foundation. Soon after, earthworks began at the Waterfall plot, and some workers got partial payments—but many did not. In October, another three point six million rand arrived from the IDT. The following week saw a site handover, plan approvals submitted to the estate, and a group chat set up for the project team. Meanwhile, workers were already questioning their shortchanged salaries.
Smaller transactions tell a similar story. The contractor leased a storage container for tools, and payments for it often followed IDT transfers closely. On October 10, 2024, the IDT paid eight hundred fifty-six thousand rand to the foundation; by October 18, the contractor settled three thousand four hundred fifty rand for the container. In November, after a one point two three million rand IDT payment on November 8, the contractor paid two hundred sixty rand owed on November 13. December brought a one point one million rand transfer on December 20, followed the next day by the contractor clearing one thousand nine hundred fifty-five rand, including an advance. February 2025 saw another one point two three million rand from the IDT on February 12, with the contractor paying nearly one thousand rand the next day.
Larger expenses aligned too. In late February 2025, after two point three million rand in IDT payments, the contractor bought eleven thousand rand worth of drainage pipes and materials. Mashawana made a second payment to the engineer in early April 2025, again about one hundred thousand rand, through his company Orinea Trucking. This came just four days after the IDT sent five hundred seventy-two thousand rand to the foundation for Free State workers—funds that many in Kgotsong never fully received.
The Free State situation grew dire. In March 2025, Malaka and Austin Mashawana visited Bothaville to address complaints from two hundred participants, but Malaka refused to meet them in the township, so no resolution happened. By then, the group had filed a case with the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration. In April, the commission ruled in their favor, ordering the foundation to pay nearly one point seven million rand in back salaries. As of the latest reports, those payments remain outstanding.
Shock over the foundation's massive allocation spread within the IDT and its parent department, the Department of Public Works and Infrastructure. Internal messages questioned why one inexperienced non-profit got so much, especially in Limpopo where it dwarfed others—thirteen million rand versus two point five million for the next highest. In KwaZulu-Natal, it topped one hundred twenty-eight others; in North West, forty-three. Only in Gauteng did it match averages. No other non-profit got funding across five provinces like this.
This uneven setup left local groups in Limpopo puzzled, as past years spread funds more fairly. Sources from other NGOs noted this as a first, sparking doubts about the selection process. The foundation's lack of experience made its win even more surprising, benefiting around forty-four thousand people nationwide with seven hundred million rand in total EPWP spending for that year.
Investigators gathered this through visits to workers in Gauteng, Limpopo, and the Free State, reviewing attendance sheets, payment records, and satellite timelines. A tip in November 2024 started the probe into Malaka's properties, leading to these connections. The stand cleared in June 2024, right as bids closed, but major work waited until after IDT funds hit the foundation's accounts.
Malaka's suspension stemmed from earlier issues, like the oxygen plant tender where a questionable company won without proper checks. An independent review found she overlooked red flags, failed to verify documents, and ignored warnings from the Department of Health. It recommended actions against her and others. The Public Works Minister expressed strong concern over the bribe video, planning talks with the IDT board. Committee members called for better controls to prevent future misuse of public money.
Meanwhile, the Public Works & Infrastructure Minister Dean Macpherson laid criminal charges on Thursday last week against suspended IDT C.E.O Tebogo Malaka and spokesperson Phasha Makgolane at the Cape Town Central Police Station. The Minister said that it is clear that the tactics used by Malaka and Makgolane in attempting to bribe Myburgh were likely successfully employed elsewhere. He therefore called on the South African Police Service (SAPS) to urgently investigate not only attempted bribery of Myburgh, but also the possible bribery of other journalists and political parties, the use of social media bot accounts, and the role of public commentators.
On Sunday Minister Dean Macpherson also vowed not to be deterred by smear campaigns, political pressure, or even threats to his life while providing an update on the ongoing investigation into Malaka's 800 million Rand oxygen plant tender scandal. He said his mandate is to clean up the department, and that is exactly what he intends to do, relentlessly.
Mashawana denied any wrongdoing when approached, suggesting authorities handle any proof. He claimed no preferential treatment or unlawful acts, viewing questions as a formality. Malaka did not respond. During the secretly filmed talk, she hinted at facilitating meetings with the Mashawana brothers, suggesting a close, possibly improper link.
This scandal raises deep concerns about public funds meant for job creation ending up elsewhere, while a luxury home rises. Workers' struggles contrast sharply with the steady progress at Waterfall, fueled by timely payments that mirror IDT transfers. If you were President Ramaphosa or the Public Works and Infrastructure Minister, how would you handle this scandal?
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